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The virtually white, homogeneous employer class did not have to work nearly as hard to establish solidarity with one another.We invite Cowie, Coates, and their readers to consult our collection, , which contains essays by talented historians interested in the anti-labor activism of organized employers from the late nineteenth century to roughly the present.Led by Texas’s Vance Muse, the Christian Americans combined a toxic mix of racism and anti-Semitism to its anti-union campaigns.The racially inclusive Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), Muse warned, threatened to further unite workers across racial lines, and “white women and white men will be forced into organizations with black African apes whom they will have to call ‘brother’ or lose their jobs.” Simply put, racism helped employers divide the working class.They never stopped organizing, even in the face of labor’s victories in the 1930s and 40s.New organizations, including Southern States Industrial Council and the Astroturf Christian Americans, emerged in those decades.Indeed, Cowie and Coates should ask themselves: if white workers were hopelessly individualistic and racist, then why did white supremacist anti-unionists like Muse need make these appeals?Racism was an effective tool to divide workers, but we must be mindful that someone was deploying that tool. More generally, why do many of today’s employers pay union-busting lawyers 0 to 00 an hour to prevent organizing?

He writes, “The left would much rather have a discussion about class struggles, which might entice the white working masses, instead of about the racist struggles that those same masses have historically been the agents and beneficiaries of.” We disagree with this assessment, insisting that we must consider the role of the exploiters while not holding any romantic view of worker solidarity, which required much hard work.

Those interested in social justice cannot afford to dismiss them. Louis’s most monumental claim to fame, the Gateway Arch.

Whatever industry group planted National Chocolate Day on October 28 did a great job. Okay, the competition is not fierce, But with the possible exceptions of Sour Patch Kids and Skittles, products manufactured precisely to the strange metabolisms of grade schoolers, a trick-or-treater goes through the evening take—after Mom removes the razor blades and nerve gas grenades—and puts chocolate in the pile marked Immediate Consumption. Let me throw out a childhood favorite now consigned to memory and hip vintage candy stores. Designed by Eero Saarinen and sheathed in stainless steel, the Arch instantly became the symbol of Mound City when work on it ended in 1965. They reexamine the complexities of politics, Indian affairs, marriage customs, slavery, the role of women, and material culture that characterized the 1760s.

These essays provide plenty of evidence that the nation’s diversity of employers were always deeply worried that workers would chose collectivism over individualism.

Taken together, the collection demonstrates that, for more than a century, employers built powerful anti-union organizations to stop what they saw as looming dangers: the birth of left-wing organizations and workers’ demands that employers hire union members exclusively.

First, historian Jefferson Cowie, writing in , dismissed an entire generation of labor historians for missing the rise of Trump.

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